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Carlism's Defense of the Church in Spain, 1833-1936

Alexandra Wilhelmsen

El Escorial, King Philip II's monastery-palace, is a magnificent
granite symbol of the traditional relationship between Church and
State in Spain. The Escorial reflects the Catholicism of the nation
that was forged by the medieval struggle against Islam known as the
Reconquest, as well as by the sacral _ as opposed to secular _ nature
of Spanish society. An exuberant seventeenth century fresco that
reiterates the symbolism of the entire building is located above the
main stairway. Commissioned by the last Hapsburg ruler of Spain and
painted by Lucca Giordano, the fresco is called "<La Gloria.>" The
painting is a triumphalistic baroque vision of heaven that expresses
the close relationship between Church and State in Spain. The figures
of the Trinity, St. Lawrence (patron of the Escorial), Emperor
Charles V, and Philip II are prominent among the saints and angels in
the clouds. St. Lawrence intercedes for the people of Spain while
Charles V, supported by his son Philip, offers his royal crowns to
the Trinity.

In old Spain, the State was officially Catholic; the concerns of the
Church influenced public polity; the Church was represented
politically in the Cortes or Parliament; Church and State
collaborated in providing for the spiritual, intellectual, and
material well-being of the people. Before the nineteenth century,
religion permeated most aspects of life. The Church was a major
national institution, she ran a large part of the educational system,
provided most social welfare, and she was supported by her own vast
endowments as well as by part of the tithe contributed by her flock.

The first significant cracks in this system occurred in the second
half of the eighteenth century. Enlightened despotism and regalism
influenced the personally pious Charles III (1759-1788) to expel the
Society of Jesus for the first time in Spanish history in 1767. Wars
at the time of the French Revolution strained the royal treasury,
leading Charles IV (1788-1808) to order the Church to sell some of
her property and to loan the proceeds to the government. Although
Altar and Throne closed ranks briefly during the Peninsular War
against Napoleon (1808-1814), Spain's two greatest institutions were
soon at loggerheads.

During the first half of the nineteenth century, Spanish liberalism
replaced the <Ancien Règime> through political struggles,
revolutions, and civil wars. The remnants of the <Ancien Règime>
crumbled when the traditionalists lost the First Carlist War in 1840.
One of the important issues at stake was the role of the Church in
what soon became the new capitalist and centralized order.

Spain's liberal minority was to reduce the Church's role in politics,
economics, education, and social welfare. By the time Queen Isabel II
(1843-1868) was declared of age in 1843, the grand institutional
Church of the <Ancien Règime> had completely disappeared by the
unilateral actions of successive liberal governments. One third of
Spain's episcopal sees were vacant, the State was in the process of
redrawing diocesan boundaries, and cathedral chapters were controlled
by civil authorities. Almost all male religious orders had been
banned, over 1,500 monasteries shut down, much of their property sold
to the public without compensation for the clergy and the proceeds
being used to service the national debt. The majority of the schools
and charitable institutions run by the orders had been closed. The
number of parishes had been limited by government fiat, and the
secular clergy reduced numerically by orders of the State. Their
property had been nationalized, and the overworked parish priests
turned into government employees whose modest salaries were paid
erratically. The tithe had been abolished. The authorities did little
to curtail violent outbursts of urban anticlericalism. Relations
between Madrid and Rome had broken down several times.

During Isabel II's reign, the Spanish Church began a slow and modest
recovery that continued until the 1930s, although interrupted by
several short periods of setbacks. The Concordat between the Spanish
government and the Papacy in 1851, which was a point of reference
until well into the twentieth century, provided a legal framework for
the Church to function within the new liberal order, and tried to
define the novel, relatively unpretentious, role of the Church in a
society undergoing rapid changes. The resilient Spanish Church
learned to operate within the New Regime as one of many interest
groups, and also adapted to some of the sociological changes in the
capitalist and industrial society that emerged in the second half of
the nineteenth century.

The Carlist political opposition was a staunch supporter of the
Catholic Church for over a century, from 1833 through the Spanish
Civil War of the 1930s. Five Carlist claimants to the throne of Spain
had a similar religious policy during this time. The defense of the
Church was a significant factor in every aspect of Carlism's history.
This story included: four wars1, government of small portions of the
country controlled by the Carlists in two of the wars, local
insurrections, political campaigns, parliamentary debates, political
pressure exerted on the government, urban paramilitary activities,
education through the Carlist press as well as courses taught at
Carlist centers or "circulos," development of political treatises,
and major symbolic gestures. The latter ran the gamut from rallies,
pilgrimages, and religious congresses to declaring the Virgin Mary
"<Generalisima>" of the army in the First Carlist War and formally
inserting the figure of the Sacred Heart in the national coat of arms
in 1932.

Carlism emerged as a dynastic and ideological movement in the midst
of the struggle in Spain between the proponents of the New Regime and
the defenders of the <Ancien Règime>. The Carlists rejected Ferdinand
VII's (1808-1833) decision to leave the Crown to his infant daughter
Isabel when the king's brother Carlos was his heir according to the
old Fundamental Laws or constitution. Likewise, while the government
became identified with liberalism, the Carlist opposition continued
the defense of Spain's traditions that had been upheld by the
<realistas> during Ferdinand's turbulent reign.

For over one hundred years, the Spanish legitimist movement was
characterized by its strong political views and consistent opposition
to the policies of the Court in Madrid presided by Ferdinand's
descendants. Carlism never gained power, but Spain's major
traditionalist movement exerted a certain influence on Spanish
society as a whole and on the government in particular, especially
regarding religious matters. Carlist thought was also an ideological
source for a number of other Spanish parties on the right in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth century.

Over the course of a hundred years, Carlism's <modus operandi> and
its political platform adapted to the ebb and flow of Spanish
politics and to the changes in Spanish society. Originating in the
1830s as a defense of the <Ancien Règime>, Carlism quickly became a
counterrevolutionary movement that advocated a return to traditional
values embodied in forms updated to suit the times. As the Carlists
fought wars, functioned as a political party (usually called the
Traditionalist Communion), acted as an informal pressure group, or
operated clandestinely in the hopes of overthrowing the government,
the Carlist platform was symbolized by the motto "<Dios, patria,
fueros, rey.>" These four principles, God, fatherland, regional
autonomy, and king, were upheld by each of the five exiled Carlist
claimants, known to their followers as Carlos V, Carlos VI, Carlos
VII, Jaime III, and Alfonso Carlos I.2

The first component of the Carlist maxim, "God," implied an
acceptance of the traditional sacral view of society inherited from
the Middle Ages and still quite prevalent in Spain throughout the
nineteenth century. Carlists advocated a renewed commitment by all
branches of the government to Christian beliefs and ethics. The
"<Dios>" of their motto, stemming from a strong Catholic tradition
strengthened during the struggle against Islam, carried four main
themes: confessionality of the State, religious unity of the nation,
close collaboration between Church and State, and independence of the
Church. Other issues changed with the circumstances. For example, in
the First Carlist War, when Spain's traditionalists fought to
preserve the political representation of the estates of the <Ancien
Règime>, Carlism defended the Church's institutional presence in the

<Sacral View of Society>

In 1836, when the government of Ferdinand's widow, the regent Maria
Cristina (1833-1840), was rapidly dismantling the old institutional
Church and the "two Spains" _ revolutionary and traditionalist _
confronted each other in the First Carlist War, the pretender issued
a manifesto deploring the excesses caused by the government's
policies regarding the Church. Carlos V was concerned that "the
churches [were being] profaned, vandalized, burned; priests degraded,
publicly insulted, murdered with impunity; asylums of virtue turned
into schools of dissoluteness; monks and virgins consecrated to God
[were] begging, fleeing, and falling victims of barbarism. In short,
religion agonizes, and the country calls for help."3

In the same manifesto, the first don Carlos captures traditional
Spain's religious instincts, proclaiming: "The God of hosts has led
you to victory almost by the hand. Yes the God of hosts, the God of
St. Ferdinand,4 the God of all Spaniards. A Catholic king cannot use
any other language when he addresses an eminently religious people
who laments that its religion has been deeply offended, and who tries
to strike down religion's infamous persecutors."5

In 1860, Carlos VI issued a manifesto to the Spaniards that contains
the same sacral spirit. The second pretender called for "religion and
morality above all, because they are the only solid foundation of
true civilization."6

Carlism's royal spokesman for a few years in the 1860s, Maria Teresa,
Princess of Beira,7 issued several remarkable ideological
proclamations. She wrote at length about the importance of religion
and the Church in Spanish history and in the Carlist political
program. A sacral view of society permeates these documents. One
short sentence is typical. She states that "the truths, certain and
infallible, of the Catholic faith form the very solid foundation of
our political, civil, and domestic life."8

Carlos VII echoed the Princess of Beira in the following criticism of
the liberal regime that had spread throughout Europe after the French
Revolution: "The Spanish Revolution is just one of the forces of the
great army of the cosmopolitan revolution. The essential principle of
the latter is a colossal denial of God's sovereignty in world
affairs; its aim is the complete subversion of the bases, engendered
by Christianity, on which human society is established and

Jaime III reiterated the same world view as his predecessors in a
different way in a manifesto to his loyalists in 1919. The fourth
Carlist pretender announced that "above all other aspirations, I
desire the reign of Jesus Christ over rulers and nations, in the
individual and in society, because I am convinced that there is no
salvation outside Him for either society or the individual."10

<Confessional State>

Throughout the nineteenth century, the anticlerical policies of many
liberal governments were conducted under constitutions that
reconfirmed the confessionality of the Spanish State. When Carlism
was legalized for the first time after the Revolution of 1868, the
Carlists sent a minority of twenty-two representatives to the
Constituent Cortes of 1869. Led by the great Basque orator Fr.
Vicente Manterola, the legitimists foiled an attempt to separate
Church and State in the constitution that was promulgated that same
year. However, the Carlists and other organized Catholic groups were
not able to block the much more controversial article granting
religious freedom. The liberal challenge to Spain's traditional
"Catholic unity," dating back to the conversion of the Visigoths at
the famous Third Council of Toledo in the sixth century, convulsed
Spain. Some twenty-five per cent of the population is reputed to have
answered polls and signed petitions favoring the retention of
religious unity.11 Defeat in the Cortes over this major issue was one
of the reasons the Carlists declared war on the government a few
years later.

In 1861, the Princess of Beira had articulated the Carlist position
regarding confessionality of the State and religious unity in these
forthright words: "The Fundamental Laws of the Spanish Monarchy
require the King to swear he will profess and observe the Roman
Catholic and Apostolic Religion, and will require that it be
professed and observed throughout the Monarchy, to the exclusion of
all other cults or any other doctrine."12

<Religious Unity>

In the 1869 parliamentary debates, Manterola had used many arguments
to defend religious unity, including the following: "Religious
freedom has never been established in any nation until it became
necessary to admit, accept, acknowledge, and later sanction it. First
religious unity existed as a fact, and then attempts were made to
legalize the <fait accompli.>"13 He continued addressing his
colleagues in the Cortes, saying: "But, gentlemen, here in Spain, to
call in other cults, to open your doors to them, gentlemen, when none
has knocked, to contribute to this intrinsically bad action . . .
with more than tolerance, with complicity, this is untenable to
me."14 Manterola explained that "If we were to preach that it is
necessary to send to the flames or other ancient torments anyone who
does not have the good fortune to profess our faith, if we were to
preach this, yes, yes, yes, you would have the right, in the name of
Spanish civilization, to launch the greatest anathema against our
people. But we have not preached any such thing."15

A few weeks after the defeat in the Cortes, the third claimant,
Carlos VII, wrote in one of his first public letters that "knowing
and never forgetting that the nineteenth century is not the
sixteenth, Spain is determined to preserve at any cost her Catholic
unity, symbol of our glories, spirit of our laws, blessed bond of
union among all Spaniards."16 In 1874, during the Third Carlist War,
don Carlos was careful to explain that "Catholic unity does not mean
religious espionage."17

Twenty years after freedom of religion had been promulgated, the
Carlists reiterated their censure of the law by formally
commemorating the thirteenth centenary of the establishment of
Spain's Catholic unity in 589. At the time, Carlos VII referred to
religious unity saying "an essential principal of our program and
goal of all of us, I and my people have made a solemn promise to
restore it and defend it in Spain."18 This commitment was reiterated
by Carlos VII's successors. His son Jaime called Spain's Catholic
unity "the soul of our history and health of our people."19

In 1932, during the Second Spanish Republic (1931-1936), the last
Carlist claimant in the direct line, the elderly Alfonso Carlos, made
the following very Hispanic statement shortly after the promulgation
of the Constitution of 1931 which separated Church and State for the
first time: "Catholic without qualification, as all the members of my
family always were, in front of this banner and with the faith of an
old crusader, always ready to sacrifice one's own life, I proclaim
all the rights of the Catholic Church, which correspond to her
totally unquestionable spiritual sovereignty in the midst of a people
like ours, the most Catholic of all nations on Earth. For the same
reason, I reject with all the force of my soul the principle of
religious freedom designated by the Constitution."20

A few years later, shortly before he died without direct heirs,
Alfonso Carlos made provisions for future Carlist leadership. The
first guideline he gave his relatives was the acceptance of "the
Catholic Apostolic Religion, with its unity and juridical
consequences, through which it was traditionally loved and served in
our kingdoms."21

<Close Collaboration between Church and State>

Close collaboration between Church and State was a natural result of
Carlism's acceptance of a traditional sacral society, belief in a
confessional State, and commitment to religious unity. Inspired by
the medieval Reconquest and, more specifically, by the wars against
revolutionary France and by the Constitutional War in Spain in the
1820s, the three Carlist Wars and the Spanish Civil War of the 1930s
were considered religious crusades as well as political struggles.
References to altar and throne, God and king, usually went hand in
hand. In a less martial vein, Carlist rallies always consisted of
both a religious ceremony and a political meeting; speeches were
always preceded by Mass.

The Papacy never took sides in Spain's dynastic conflict, and the
hard-pressed ecclesiastical hierarchy tended to back the governmental
establishment in the name of peace, or to remain neutral in the hopes
of sparing the Church further difficulties. Nonetheless, Carlism was
unswerving in its support of the Church, and the Carlist princes
always maintained their belief in the collaboration between Church
and State. The first don Carlos articulated this principle by simply
saying he would "protect and promote the holy religion of our
parents."22 True to his word, under his auspices, the Church
continued to function normally in the lands he ruled in northern
Spain during the First Carlist War, and homeless and dispossessed
monks and friars who fled the rest of Spain were welcomed in Carlist
territory. The pretender also promised that if he won the war, his
government would promote national religious conferences to deal with
the many dislocations the Spanish Church had undergone since the
Napoleonic invasion. His words are: "The famous national councils
that governed the Spanish Church gloriously, under the direction of
the Holy Father, will convene again."23

Carlism had such a strong Catholic image that the movement was
informally called the Catholic Monarchist Party or Catholic
Monarchist Communion. The second pretender, Carlos VI, felt compelled
to explain to an increasingly secular world that close collaboration
between Church and State does not imply a theocracy. He lamented,
"Some people claim frivolously and others intentionally that my
government would be a purely theocratic government, and that the
clergy only aspires to gain power to govern the country for its own
benefit." He continued, saying "the Church does not ask for, nor
need, anything more than freedom and justice."24

<Free Church>

The Church's independence was the last major theme contained in the
first component of Carlism's famous motto. The Carlists rejected the
many unilateral decisions about the Church's internal affairs and
about her relationship to Spanish society made by the liberal
governments of the nineteenth and early twentieth century and by the
Second Spanish Republic in the 1930s. Carlist leadership also
rejected the regalism of the eighteenth century Enlightenment. In
view of the confiscation of Church property in the last century,
which curtailed the clergy's freedom of operation, Carlism was
particularly interested in the economic independence of the Church.
For some of the same reasons, Spanish legitimists deplored the
unification of Italy and disappearance of the Papal States in 1870.
Significantly, as a young man, Alfonso Carlos, had been an officer in
one of the two companies of Papal Zuaves that made the famous last
stand at the Porta Pia in Rome defending Pius IX's temporal power in

In the early decades of Carlist history, when the government in
Madrid was busy confiscating Church property, and the buyers of
ecclesiastical real estate were excommunicated by the Papacy, Carlism
took for granted the property should be returned (as it had been
after the first major attempt to dispossess the regular clergy during
the reign of Ferdinand VII). However, when Rome accepted the <fait
accompli> in 1851, the legitimists followed suit. Carlos VII was very
clear during the Third Carlist War when he said succinctly: "I will
not deviate one step from the Church of Jesus Christ. For this
reason, I will not trouble the buyers of her property."25

During the Third Carlist War, Carlos VII formally rejected one of the
most notorious examples of regalism inherited by the Spanish
government from an earlier age, the "<exequatur>" or, in Spanish,
"<pase regio>." In an 1875 decree, the third pretender explains: "The
Church's freedom in Spain has been restricted in the exercise and
publication of Bulls and decisions coming from the Holy See by laws
forbidding their publication and implementation before the civil
authorities should first resolve by their own criterion whether they
should be obeyed or not." The young Bourbon prince went on to promise
that if he won the war, he would consult with the Pope in order to
draft new ecclesiastical policies that would reconcile "all the
freedom of action the Church should enjoy and the rights and
prerogatives of my royal authority." In the meantime, Carlos VII
decreed that "in the territories my brave army controls or may
control, the circulation of documents received shall be completely

Carlists defended a free Church very actively in the first decade of
the twentieth century, when the Spanish government embarked on a new
wave of anticlericalism. Carlists and representatives of other
Catholic parties and pressure groups spoke out in memorable
parliamentary debates, at large rallies, in vigorous press campaigns,
and at conferences of different types. One of the main issues was the
legal status and freedom of action of most religious orders. In 1907,
Catholic Spain was able to pressure the young Alphonse XIII's (1902-
1931) government to withdraw its Law of Associations Bill, which
would have severely curtailed the freedom of the orders and limited
their role in education. This success was the result of five or six
years of intense activity and the Holy See's threat to acknowledge
the dynastic pretensions of the Carlist claimant if the government
would not give in on the matter. One of the most famous protests
against Madrid's religious policies during these years was a three
hundred page speech given in Santiago by the spell-binding Carlist
parliamentarian Juan Vásquez de Mella y Fanjul. The title speaks for
itself: "The Church Independent of the Atheistic State."27

Two years later, Carlists defended the Church's freedom in a very
different way. During the famous "Tragic Week" in Barcelona, when
anticlericalism broke out in a wave of incendiarism barely repressed
by the authorities, Carlists saved a number of churches and convents
from the flames. Carlist custody of religious buildings in perilous
moments would become quite common throughout the country after the
October Revolution of 1934.

Don Jaime reiterated Carlism's commitment to a free Church after the
First World War, saying that his people "submitting to the Church,
like an obedient son, want to return to her all the independence she
was given by the Redeemer; and especially the freedom that pertains
to her teaching mission and the economic independence to which she
has a perfect right, and which has been so curtailed by the current

The last Carlist claimant, the octogenarian Alfonso Carlos, led the
Spanish legitimist movement during the left-wing and very
anticlerical Second Spanish Republic, which annulled all the gains
the Church had gradually made during the previous half century in the
period known as the Bourbon Restoration (1875-1931). A few months
after becoming Carlism's standard-bearer, Alfonso Carlos reacted to
the wave of anti-Catholic legislation at the outset of the Republic
by establishing an annual Carlist festivity honoring the Cross. In
his 1932 decree, the exiled pretender says: "The Cross, sacred emblem
of our redemption, has been banished from schools; adoration of the
Cross raised high in public religious ceremonies has been prevented;
and the presence of the Cross has been forbidden in our cemeteries,
where it was a vivid witness of our faith, and in whose holy shadow
our elders rest, and under whose loving arms we hope to repose."29
Alfonso Carlos ordered that this <Fiesta del Triunfo de la Cruz> be
celebrated on May 3 in every Carlist circle in Spain and that the
Carlist press publish articles exalting the Cross. As late as the
1970s, the remnants of Carlism still began their major rallies with
outdoor Stations of the Cross in early May at Montejurra, in Navarre,
and at Montserrat, in Catalonia.

Under the auspices of their elderly pretender, Spain's
traditionalists began to prepare for a fourth Carlist war against the
government. At the last moment, the Carlist conspirators and
paramilitary forces joined the rebels in the regular army in what
became the Spanish Civil War. The legitimists put aside their
particular political aspirations for the time being. Instead of
fighting for all four components of their motto, "God, fatherland,
regional rights, king," Carlists agreed to downplay the last three.
They joined their traditional enemy, the regular army, in the defense
of "<Dios.>" A large number of the hundred thousand Carlist
<Requetes>, who fought in the war with an image of the Sacred Heart
of Jesus sewn on their uniforms, volunteered for religious reasons.
They wanted the Church to be free and to be acknowledged publicly.


1 The wars were: First Carlist War (1833-1840), Second Carlist War or
War of the Matiners (1847-1849), Third Carlist War (1872-1876), and
Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Some historians classify the Matiners
conflict as a rebellion, not a war as such.

2 All five claimants belonged to the Bourbon Family. Their names and
dates follow. Carlos V (1788-1855) was Carlos Maria Isidro. The
Carlist movement was named after him, and he led the legitimists
between 1833 and his retirement from politics in 1845. Carlos VI
(1818-1861) was also known as Count of Montemolin. Named Carlos Luis,
he was Carlos V's oldest son, and was the pretender between 1845 and
his early death in 1861. Carlos VII's name was Carlos Maria de los
Dolores (1848-1909). Carlos VI's nephew led the traditionalists
between 1868 and 1909. Carlos VII was succeeded by his son, Jaime III
(1870-1931), who was the claimant between 1909 and 1931. The last
pretender in the direct line was Jaime's elderly uncle Alfonso Carlos
I (1849-1936), who was Carlos VII's brother. Alfonso Carlos headed
the Carlist movement until he was killed in a car accident in Vienna
in 1936. The Carlists rejected the prince who should have been their
leader immediately after Carlos VI, his brother Juan Carlos Maria,
because he was liberal.

3 Carlos V, <Manifesto to the Spaniards>, dated at Durango, Vizcaya,
20 Feb., 1836, Melchor Ferrer, Domingo Tejera, and Jose F. Acedo,
<Historia del tradicionalismo español> (Seville: Ediciones Trajano
and Editorial Catolica Española, 1941-1979, XXX vols.), v. X, p. 282.
Most quotations in this study are from <Historia del tradicionalismo
español> (hereafter abbreviated as <HTE>). All translations from
Spanish are my own.

4 St. Ferdinand was king of Castile in the thirteenth century.

5 Carlos V, <Manifesto to the Spaniards>, <HTE>, v. X, p. 281.

6 Carlos VI, <Manifesto to the Spaniards>, dated in Triests, 1 Dec.,
1860, <HTE>, v. XXI, p. 223.

7 Maria Teresa de Braganza bore the title Princess of Beira because
she was the oldest daughter of a Portuguese ruler, John VI. As a
widow in her forties, Maria Teresa married her widowed brother-in-
law, the Pretender Carlos V, whom she outlived.

8 Maria Teresa, Princess of Beira, <Letter to the Spaniards>, dated
at Baden, Austria, 25 Sept., 1864, <HTE>, v. XXII, p. 245.

9 Carlos VII, <Manifesto to the Spaniards>, dated at La Tour de
Peilz, Switzerland, 8 Dec., 1870, <HTE>, v. XXIII, t. II, pp. 148-

10 Jaime III, <Manifesto to My Loyalists>, dated at Paris, France, 24
March, 1919, <HTE>, v. XXIX, p. 246.

11 See Vicente Garmendia, <Vicente Manterola, canonigo, diputado y
conspirador carlista> (Vitoria: Caja de Ahorros Municipal, 1975), p.

12 Maria Teresa, Princess of Beira, <Letter to the Infante Don Juan
de Borbon>, dated at Baden, Austria, 15 Sept., 1861, <HTE>, v. XXII,
p. 216.

13 Quote from Manterola's long speech in the Cortes on 12 April,
1869, Garmendia, op. cit., p. 71.

14 Ibid., p. 72.

15 Ibid., p. 73.

16 Carlos VII, <Letter-Manifesto>, dated at Paris, 30 June, 1869,
<HTE>, v. XXIII, t. II, p. 53.

17 Carlos VII, <Manifesto to the Spaniards>, dated at Morentin,
Navarre, 18 July, 1874, <HTE>, v. XXVI, p. 293.

18 Carlos VII, letter to Enrique Aguilera y Gamboa, Marquis of
Cerralbo and Count of Alcudia, dated at Venice, Italy, 2 Feb., 1889,
<HTE>, v. XXVIII, p. 93. Cerralbo was Carlos VII's delegate in Spain
at the time.

19 Jaime III, <Manifesto to My Loyalists>, <HTE>, v. XXIX, p. 247.

20 Alfonso Carlos I, <Manifesto to the Spaniards>, dated 6 January,
1932, <HTE>, v. XXX, pp. 15-16.

21 Alfonso Carlos I, <Decree Instituting the Regency>, dated 23 Jan.,
1936, <HTE>, v. XXX, p. 74. The regent was Prince Javier de Borbon

22 Carlos V, <Proclamation to the Navarrese and Basques>, dated at
Elorrio, Vizcaya, 25 April, 1836, <HTE>, v. X, p. 293.

23 Carlos V, <Manifesto to the Andalusians>, dated at Vila Real do
Douro, Tras-os-Montes, Portugal, 21 Jan., 1834, <HTE>, v. IV, p. 248.

24 Carlos VI, <Manifesto to the Spaniards>, popularly known as
"<Manifiesto de Maguncia>," and dated 16 March, 1860, <HTE>, v. XXI,
p. 203.

25 Carlos VII, <Manifesto to the Spaniards> dated at Morentin, <HTE>,
v. XXVI, p. 293.

26 Carlos VII, <Royal Decree Abolishing the "Pase Regio,>" dated at
Tolosa, Guipuzcoa, 31 July, 1875, <HTE>, v. XXVII, pp. 299-300.

27 The full text of Vázquez de Mella's speech is in Junta de Homenaje
a Mella (ed.), <Obras completas del Excelentisimo Señor don Juan
Vázquez de Mella y Fanjul> (Madrid, 1931-1934, XXVIII vols.), v. V
(1932), pp. 65-355.

28 Jaime III, <Conclusions of the Great Carlist Junta Gathered at
Biarritz>, France, dated 30 Nov., 1919, <HTE>, v. XXIX, p. 257.

29 Alfonso Carlos I. <Royal Decree Establishing the Festivity of the
Triumph of the Holy Cross>, dated at Paris, 6 April, 1932, <HTE>, v.
XXX, p. 24.

<Alexandra Wilhelmsen> received a doctorate in history from the
Universidad de Navarra, Pamplona, Spain.  She is currently Associate
Professor in Foreign Languages and Adjunct Associate Professor in
History at the University of Dallas.

This article was taken from the Winter 1990 issue of "Faith &
Reason". Subscriptions available from Christendom Press, 2101
Shenandoah Shores Road, Ft. Royal, VA 22630, 703-636-2900, Fax 703-
636-1655. Published quarterly at $20.00 per year.

Copyright (c) 1996 EWTN


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